When I suggest this to friends they always laugh and say "But how?".
My response is always "In the exact same way that Power has been doing in America for several decades now"
Let me make myself abundantly clear. It is not my intent to be part of such a steal, to incite it in any way or that I hope it will happen. I am simply suggesting I believe the left are now more likely to attempt to do so. Because they see the right as an unacceptable threat to democracy(or whatever they call it lately) and are showing signals of justifying quite appalling actions to block such a shift in Power. I cite the assasination of Charlie kirk and the large number of people on the left rejoicing about that. And the poor show from the left in Power as a response. There are other examples such as the systemic left wing the attack on Jews recently.
Grok has been helpful once again for our dialogue, though we can see its trying very hard to avoid bias:
RS) What are the best 3 ways to steal an election in a large western democracy?
Based on discussions in political analysis, here are three high-level approaches often cited for attempting to manipulate elections in large western democracies like the US:
- Stealing votes: This involves broad tactics such as voter intimidation, ballot stuffing, or general tampering with voting processes to shift outcomes.
- Rigging the system: Focuses on altering structural elements, like influencing rules around delegate allocation or the sequencing of contests to favor certain candidates.
- Tilting the playing field: Provides indirect advantages outside of voting, such as controlling party resources or restricting access to debates.
RS) What about through media control?
Media control can indeed play a significant role in influencing election outcomes in large western democracies, often through shaping public perception and narratives rather than direct vote tampering. Based on analyses of past events, here are three high-level ways it might be leveraged to "steal" an election, though these are typically countered by fact-checking, regulations, and diverse media landscapes:
RS) What about via voter infiltration through open border mass immigration and buying theoir votes with handouts?
RS) In the UK would voter id or digital ID be a good thing in helping limit a stolen general election?
- Spreading disinformation campaigns: Controlling or influencing media outlets to disseminate false claims about election integrity, such as allegations of widespread fraud or stolen votes, which can erode trust and mobilize supporters to challenge results.
- Amplifying propaganda to polarize voters: Using owned or allied media channels to promote divisive narratives that favor one candidate while demonizing opponents, potentially swaying undecided voters or suppressing turnout among certain groups through fear or misinformation.
- Coordinating with foreign or domestic influencers: Leveraging social media platforms or networks to push coordinated messages, like encouraging voter intimidation or ballot interference under the guise of "protecting" the election, which can disrupt processes indirectly.
RS) What about via voter infiltration through open border mass immigration and buying theoir votes with handouts?
In discussions around election integrity in large western democracies like the US, the notion of "voter infiltration" via mass immigration through open borders—combined with "buying votes" through government handouts or welfare programs—has been raised as a conspiracy theory, primarily in partisan contexts. However, analyses and investigations consistently show this is not a viable or widespread method for manipulating elections, as non-citizens are barred from voting in federal elections, and instances of fraud are exceedingly rare and punishable by law. Safeguards like voter ID requirements, registration verification, and audits make it difficult to execute at scale. That said, here are three high-level ways this tactic is sometimes theorized or alleged in political rhetoric, though often debunked:
RS) What about block voting in say Pakistani communities in the UK?
- Facilitating unauthorized voter registration: Claims suggest that lax border policies allow undocumented immigrants to register and vote illegally, potentially inflating turnout in key districts. In reality, this is countered by strict citizenship checks and has been found to occur in negligible numbers.
- Influencing new citizens through incentives: Allegations involve using public assistance programs (e.g., welfare or subsidies) as "handouts" to sway the votes of recently naturalized immigrants who favor policies supporting such aid. This is portrayed as indirect vote-buying, but it's more about policy appeals than fraud, and legal naturalization processes take years.
- Exploiting vote harvesting among immigrant communities: Theories propose that third parties collect ballots from vulnerable immigrant populations, coercing or incentivizing them with promises of benefits to vote a certain way. While vote harvesting is legal in some forms in certain states, abuse is rare and monitored, with no evidence of mass-scale impact tied to immigration.
RS) What about block voting in say Pakistani communities in the UK?
In the context of UK elections—a large western democracy—block (or bloc) voting in Pakistani (and broader South Asian Muslim) communities typically refers to organized, collective voting patterns driven by ethnic kinship, clan networks (known as biraderi), or religious leaders, rather than individual choice. This isn't inherently illegal and can be seen as legitimate community mobilization, but it has sparked controversies over potential coercion, undue influence, or links to electoral fraud, particularly in urban areas like Bradford, Birmingham, and Tower Hamlets with high concentrations of such voters. Analyses show it's more prevalent in local elections and often benefits the Labour Party due to historical ties, but evidence of it "stealing" national outcomes at scale is limited and often tied to isolated fraud cases rather than systemic manipulation. Safeguards like the Electoral Commission's oversight and postal vote audits help mitigate risks. That said, here are three high-level ways this tactic is alleged to operate in political discourse and investigations, though many claims remain unproven or exaggerated:
- Clan-directed mobilization: Under the biraderi system, community elders or imams coordinate family and clan networks to vote en bloc for preferred candidates, often in exchange for policy favors or community representation. This can deliver decisive margins in marginal seats but risks crossing into undue influence if voters feel pressured.
- Patronage through community incentives: Leaders leverage promises of local services, funding, or access (e.g., housing aid or religious facilities) to secure bloc loyalty, effectively "buying" votes indirectly without cash exchanges. This is portrayed as cultural politicking but has been criticized for entrenching elite control and sidelining women or independents.
- Gatekeeping and intimidation: Community gatekeepers block rival candidates (especially women or outsiders) from gaining traction by controlling nominations or spreading rumors, ensuring the bloc's votes consolidate behind a single, pre-selected figure. Allegations of linked fraud, like postal ballot harvesting, amplify concerns in high-density areas.
RS) In the UK would voter id or digital ID be a good thing in helping limit a stolen general election?
Voter ID in the UK: Does It Help Limit Stolen General Elections?In the UK, "stealing" a general election would typically involve large-scale fraud like personation (impersonating voters), ballot tampering, or undue influence, though documented cases remain extremely rare—only seven allegations of polling station personation in the 2024 general election, with zero prosecutions. Voter ID, introduced nationwide via the Elections Act 2022 and first applied to the July 2024 general election, aims to address personation by requiring photographic ID at polling stations. It has been credited with boosting public confidence in election integrity (now at 85-90% for polling station voting), but critics argue it creates unnecessary barriers without significantly reducing already minimal fraud. Overall, while it strengthens perceived security, evidence suggests it's not a silver bullet for preventing widespread manipulation, and it may inadvertently suppress turnout among legitimate voters.Pros of Voter ID for Limiting Election Theft
In summary, voter ID is a modest positive for limiting theoretical "stolen" elections by fortifying polling stations and confidence, but its benefits are outweighed by access issues in a system where fraud is already vanishingly rare. The Labour government (as of 2025) plans reforms like accepting non-photo IDs (e.g., bank cards) to address inconsistencies, potentially diluting security. For true resilience, pairing it with postal vote audits and turnout incentives would be more effective.Digital ID: A Potential Game-Changer or Privacy Nightmare?Digital ID proposals, announced by PM Keir Starmer in September 2025, envision a free smartphone-based national scheme (via GOV.UK Wallet app) using biometrics (e.g., facial scans) to verify identity, age, and residency. It's not yet mandatory for voting but explicitly "available to use" for proving identity at elections, building on eVisas and One Login. Aimed at curbing illegal work and streamlining services, it could integrate with voter ID by 2029, before the next general election. Public support has plummeted to net -14% post-announcement (from +34% in June 2025), fueled by privacy fears and a 2.9-million-signature petition against it. Pros for Limiting Election Theft
Digital ID could be transformative for election security if privacy safeguards (e.g., decentralization) are robust, but current proposals risk deepening distrust without proven anti-fraud gains. A 2025 consultation will refine details—watch for voting integration. Ultimately, both systems help marginally against "stolen" elections in a low-fraud context, but holistic reforms (e.g., auditing, education) are needed to truly safeguard democracy.
- Enhanced Security Against Personation: By verifying identity via accepted photo IDs (e.g., passports, driving licences), it closes a vulnerability in polling stations, where fraud could theoretically shift from more-secured postal voting. Northern Ireland's long-standing ID requirement since 1985 reduced impersonation dramatically (from 149 arrests in 1983 to near-zero today).
- Boosts Public Trust: Post-2024 surveys show 72% of voters found the process unchanged in ease, with 93% of in-person voters deeming polling stations "safe" (up from 72% in 2019). This counters narratives of "stolen" elections by making the process visibly robust.
- Low Fraud Incidence Post-Implementation: No uptick in fraud reports; only 0.08% of voters (about 16,000) were turned away without returning, and this was dwarfed by the 210,000 free Voter Authority Certificates issued as a safety net.
- Disenfranchisement Risk: Around 16,000 voters were ultimately unable to vote in 2024 due to lacking ID, with 4% of non-voters citing it as a factor—potentially 850,000 affected if scaled. Disproportionate impact on low-income, disabled, unemployed, and minority groups (e.g., 2-4% lack any photo ID), who lean Labour, raising suppression concerns.
- Overkill for Rare Fraud: With just 10-33 personation convictions/allegations from 2019-2023 across tens of millions of votes, it's criticized as a solution to a non-problem, costing £180 million over 10 years while turnout hit a near-record low (59.7% in 2024).
- Administrative Burdens: Polling staff face increased abuse and workload; awareness of free ID options remains low (57%), leading to chaos like 50,000 initial turn-aways in 2024.
Aspect | Pros | Cons |
|---|---|---|
Fraud Prevention | Virtually eliminates polling station impersonation; aligns with international standards (e.g., OSCE recommendations). | Targets negligible risk (e.g., 2 convictions in 2019 election); fraud more common in postal/absentee voting. |
Voter Access | Free certificates mitigate barriers; 72% unaffected. | Disenfranchises ~16,000+ per election, hitting vulnerable groups hardest. |
Public Confidence | 85-90% trust in process post-2024. | Perceptions of suppression erode trust among non-voters (77% see polling as safe pre-ID). |
Cost/Implementation | One-time setup; boosts integrity perception. | £180M cost; staff overload and low VAC uptake (only 26,000 used). |
- Seamless, Fraud-Resistant Verification: Biometric/digital checks could make personation impossible at scale, extending security to postal/proxy voting via app scans. It addresses physical ID gaps (e.g., lost documents) and could reduce fake IDs, with revocable credentials for quick fraud response.
- Inclusivity for Underserved Groups: Targets the 10% without passports by offering free digital access (93% smartphone ownership), potentially enfranchising more than current photo ID excludes.
- Broader Integrity Gains: Could link to central databases for real-time eligibility checks, deterring block voting coercion or infiltration by verifying citizenship instantly—key in diverse urban seats.
- Privacy and Surveillance Risks: Critics (e.g., Big Brother Watch) warn of data breaches, profiling, and "function creep" (e.g., mandatory for jobs, then voting), enabling state tracking. Past eVisa errors highlight reliability issues.
- Digital Exclusion: 1.5-2 million lack smartphones or digital skills; non-users could face barriers, exacerbating divides in rural/elderly areas.
- Unproven for Elections: No mandate yet; focus is immigration (e.g., right-to-work checks). Opposition from Reform UK/Lib Dems calls it ineffective against fraud while impinging freedoms.
Aspect | Pros | Cons |
|---|---|---|
Fraud Prevention | Biometrics block impersonation; real-time checks for eligibility. | Risks hacks/breaches; untested for voting scale. |
Voter Access | Free app for 93% with phones; easier than physical ID. | Excludes digital have-nots; potential mandates alienate users. |
Public Confidence | Streamlines services, could normalize secure voting. | 45% oppose due to surveillance fears; petition backlash. |
Implementation | Voluntary start; builds on existing tech (eVisas). | Cabinet splits; ££ costs amid privacy lawsuits. |